How Germany became the conscience of the West and voice for world order, values
The last two years have seen a shift in the relationship between the United States and Germany.
Chancellor Angela Merkel marked that turn when she declared last year after the G-7 summit and again after the recent July NATO summit that Europe can no longer rely on the United States conducting itself in the future as a force for order.
But the change in attitude has not been unidirectional; Americans opposing President Trump increasingly view Germany as precisely the force for order â" grounded in the uphold ing and respecting of human dignity and human rights â" that Germany believed it had found in us during the postwar period, but now seeks in vain.
Such a turn may appear counterintuitive given Germanyâs Nazi past, and yet it is precisely this past that has bequeathed to many Germans insight into the precarity of human decency.
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These views are not uniform within Germany, as shown by the current rise in right-wing populism, racism, and anti-Semitism, and yet even as it battles this incursion into its own liberal politics, Germany has become our voice of conscience.
While our allies around the world see Trumpâs ambivalence toward NATO, withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal, and upsetting of trade norms as a threat, Germans have perceived Trumpâs election as a seismic tremor that they associate with their own past.
Germans, drawing from their experiences with authoritarian and racist regimes, have offered urgent advice to the Unit ed States without denying the self-rebuke of the original lesson.
For example, when Trump released his first order banning citizens of a variety of majority-Muslim countries from entering the U.S. just after his inauguration, protesters in Berlin held signs that explicitly related Americaâs present to Germanyâs past, signs such as âDear Mr. Trump, You can trust a German on this â¦ Fascism is a bad idea,â âNo more walls,â and, less politely, alluding to Martin NiemÃ¶llerâs post-war poem about Germany complicity in the Holocaust, âFirst they came for the Muslims, and we said, not now, mother*&@!?er, not ever.â
Rather remarkably, however, Trumpâs election has not ushered in a broad anti-American backlash in Germany. Germans have instead educated themselves in our separation of powers and hoped, often too optimistically, that our legislative or judicial institutions might backstop the erosion of rights. The news covers American protests and lawsuits as closely as the activities of Congress and the White House.
A portion of America, meanwhile, appears to be listening.
Germany is in the news more than at any time since the events surrounding reunification in 1989. While the troubling rise of anti-Semitism deservedly receives plenty of coverage, it is handled with far more nuance than it would have been just three years ago; it shares room with stories of Germanyâs hot-and-cold reaction to migration, and analysis of its domestic and international political struggles, while according Germany first-place status as the barometer of our alliesâ reaction to the U.S.âs unprecedented international and national policies under Trump.
One might seek reasons for Germanyâs stalwart allegiance to Europe or the European Union, or its dramatic policies and recent policy-shifts regarding migration, which seem to reflect on American concerns, but these facts ar e not independent from Germanyâs relationship to its past. Indeed, it is not only from the German side, but also from the American, that Germany has come to represent a voice of conscience.
The German government is itself fragile, engulfed by disagreements over migration policy that have estranged the Christian Democratic Union, which under Merkel has seen the welcoming of refugees as a national calling, from the more conservative Bavarian-based Christian Social Union. In the case of a broken coalition, fears that the ultra-right-wing Alternative Party of Germany will increase their power appear well-founded.
In this context, Merkelâs reaction to Trumpâs policies constitutes a plea to her own people not only to continue to uphold the values that allowed the country to build a stable democracy and stand at the center of a more peaceful Europe over the past 70 years, but to embrace their role as a model of these values for Europe and U.S.
Stefani Engelstein is professor and chair of Germanic Languages and Literature at Duke University